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The Battle of Mount Gindarus

by July 30, 2014

By Cam Rea
With the Amanus Pass secured, Ventidius, head of the Roman forces, pushed south into Syria. Pacorus, the Parthian prince and co-leader of the Roman-Parthian army, was done fighting… at least for now.
He abandoned the province to the Romans in late 39 BCE. With the Parthians out of the way, Ventidius led his forces to the province of Judea.
Ventidius’ mission in Judea was simple and lucrative; it was to rid the province of any remaining Parthians. He was also there to remove the anti-Roman King, Antigonus, and to restore Herod to the throne.
But Ventidius did neither.
King Herod
Instead, he bypassed Herod’s royal family, who were besieged by the troops of Antigonus on the top of Masada, and went straight for Jerusalem. Ventidius was playing psychological warfare with Antigonus, by making him think that he was going to take Jerusalem.

This, however, was just another ruse.

Ventidius promised not to attack Jerusalem… that is, unless he received vast amounts of wealth from the king. Antigonus had, in his mind, no choice but to capitulate to Ventidius’ demands.

Make no mistake, Ventidius was still going to support Herod and place him on the throne. But while Herod was still far away, and his brother besieged, Ventidius thought he might as well make some money while they wait.
After Ventidius’ coffers were filled, he took the bulk of his forces and headed back for Syria, leaving his second, officer Pompaedius Silo, in charge to deal with the ‘Jewish problem’.

The Ruse

However, King Antigonus would come up with a ploy of his own; he bribed Silo multiple times. Antigonus hoped to buy time so that the Parthians could come to his assistance, while he kept the Romans at bay.

Unfortunately for King Antigonus, this would not happen.
Pacorus
When Ventidius returned to Syria, he sent the bulk of his forces beyond the Taurus Mountains to Cappadocia for winter quarters. It was during this time that the Parthian Prince, Pacorus, planned another invasion of Syria and began to mobilize a substantial number of cavalry from the nearby provinces.
Word of Pacorus’ intentions soon spread, reaching the ears of loyal Roman informants, who then relayed the information to Ventidius. Not only was this information crucial for preparation, it also informed Ventidius that a Syrian noble by the name of Channaeus (also called Pharnaeus), who pretended to be a Roman ally, was, in fact, a spy and Parthian loyalist.
Ventidius likely invited Channaeus over for dinner and during their meeting, Ventidius made it clear that he feared the Parthian would abandon their normal route, “where they customarily crossed the Euphrates near the city of Zeugma.”
Ventidius acted concerned over the issue, making it clear that if Pacorus were to invade Syria much further to the south, he would have the advantage over the Romans for it, “was a plain and convenient for the enemy.”

Like the good spy he was, Channaeus returned to his home after the meeting and quickly sent messengers to inform Pacorus of Ventidius’ fears.

Come early spring 38 BCE, Pacorus, unwilling to let go of Syria, led his forces south along the Euphrates River based on Ventidius’ supposed fears of engaging the enemy on a plain.

Once they came to the point of crossing, Pacorus realized that they needed to construct a bridge, due to the banks being widely separated. It took many men and materials, and the bridge was completed only after forty days.
This is exactly what Ventidius wanted. Ventidius’ disinformation bought him much needed time, allowing his legions to assemble.
Once the Parthian forces were in Syrian territory, Pacorus likely expected an immediate attack during the bridge construction or during the crossing, but neither materialized. With no sign of the enemy, Pacorus became overconfident and began to believe that the Romans were weak and cowardly. Eventually however, Pacorus found Ventidius at the acropolis of the city of Gindarus, in the province of Cyrrhestica.
Ventidius had been at Gindarus for three days preparing his defenses when Pacorus showed up.

Repeated Mistakes

One would have thought that perhaps Pacorus carefully prepared a plan of action in such a situation…. but no. Instead, Pacorus and his officers tossed out the combined arms strategy of utilizing both heavy cavalry and horse archers in unison. This had worked many times, so they thought they could take the high ground with little trouble.

Battle
Moreover, the arrogant and overconfident Pacorus, and his nobles, did not want the commoners and horse archers to steal the show, as they did at Carrhae. So they decided to sally up the slope, as they did at the battle of the Cilician Gates.
Once the cataphracts were within five hundred paces of the Romans, Ventidius took advantage of their elitism and rushed his soldiers to the brim and over, until both armies met at close quarters on the slope.
Ventidius’ strategy here was simple, by engaging the elite Parthian cavalry, he had cover from the infamous Parthian horse archers.
You would think the Parthians would have learned from previous experiences what not to do. The result of their knee jerk reaction was devastating. As the Parthian cataphract advanced up the slope, they were quickly repelled back… straight into those still coming up, inflicting great suffering to rider and mount.

This is not to mention those who did make it to the brim were met and repulsed by heavy infantry. And if the heavy infantry did not get them, the slingers would.

These slingers were likely on the left and right side of the Roman infantry, giving them a deadly arc of crossfire. This very well could be the reason as to why we do not hear of the Parthian horse archers partaking in the engagement, since any attempt to rush towards the front would put them in grave danger.

Battle
Even though the Parthian cataphracts put up a stiff fight at the foot of the hill, it was not enough.
The Roman infantry likely swarmed the cataphracts forcing them into hand-to-hand combat. With the famous Parthian horse archers neutralized from the fight due to the slingers, there was nothing that could be done to rescue the situation.
In the ensuing chaos, Pacorus likely tried to make one last push. He, along with some of his men, attempted to take Ventidius’ defenseless camp, only to be met by Roman reserves, in which he inevitably lost his life during the melee.
As news spread that Prince Pacorus lay dead, a scramble to recover his body was attempted. While those trying to retrieve his corpse met his same fate, the vast majority of Pacorus’ army quickly retreated. Some attempted to re-cross the bridge that was constructed over the Euphrates, but were caught by the Romans and put to death. Meanwhile, others fled to King Antiochus of Commagene for safety.

Victorious Aftermath

This victory shocked Syria. To make sure the Syrians would never rebel against Rome, Ventidius took Pacorus’ corpse, severed the head and ordered that it be sent throughout all the different cities of Syria.

It was a gruesome sight to behold, but the effect it had on the natives was anything other than negative. Instead, “they felt unusual affection for Pacorus on account of his justice and mildness, an affection as great as they had felt for the best kings that had ever ruled them.”
As for the Parthians who sought refuge in Commagene, Ventidius came after them.
Truth be told, Ventidius could care less about the Parthian refugees. Instead, he was much more concerned with how much money he could confiscate from King Antiochus by besieging Samosata, the capital of Commagene, in the summer of 38 BCE.
Mark Antony
Antiochus offered Ventidius a thousand talents if he would just get up and go, but Ventidius refused the offer and proposed that Antiochus send his offer to Antony.
Once Antony got word of the situation, he quickly made his way to the scene of the action.
Ventidius was just about to make peace and take the lucrative offer when Antony barred him from making such a deal. Instead, Antony removed him from his command and took over the operations from there.

Why? Well, Antony was jealous of Ventidius and wanted in on the glory.

But instead of the desired fame, Antony inherited a protracted siege that went nowhere, and indeed hurt him in the end. When Antiochus offered peace again, Antony had little choice but to accept the now lowered offer of three hundred talents.

After the extortion of Commagene, Antony ventured into Syria to take care of some domestic issues before returning to Athens.
As for Ventidius, he went back to Rome where he received honors and a triumph, for “he was the first of the Romans to celebrate a triumph over the Parthians.”

The Next Generation

As Ventidius celebrated his triumph in Rome, Antony seethed in Athens.

Meanwhile, across the Euphrates in Parthia, King Orodes was in grief over the loss of his son and army. Orodes lost the will to speak and eat, and after several days, began to talk to Pacorus as if he was alive.
It was also during this time that the many wives of Orodes began to make bids as to why Orodes should choose their son for next in line to the throne. Each mother understood that there was this nasty habit in Parthia… once a new king was elected he would go out of his way to murder his brothers to secure the safety of his reign.
King Orodes
Orodes eventually made his choice and settled on his son Phraates to succeed him. Soon after Phraates was chosen heir to the throne, he began plotting against his father Orodes.
Phraates’ first attempt in murdering his father was with a poison called aconite. This failed due to Orodes suffering from a disease called dropsy (edema), which absorbed the poison and had little effect. Therefore, Phraates took a much easier route and strangled his father to death. To make sure his throne was safe, he murdered his thirty brothers and any of the nobility that detested him or questioned his motives for his acts of cruelty. Phraates was here to stay.
But while Phraates went on a vicious campaign to secure his throne, Mark Antony, jealous of the success that Ventidius had against Parthia, was prepping and planning an invasion of his own.
It was now Antony’s turn to avenge Crassus to fulfill Caesar’s dream.

Abraham’s Rescue of Lot

by June 20, 2014

By Cam Rea
Abraham and Lot
It all started over grazing lands. Lot and Abraham had flocks and herds, but when they came to an area that could not sustain both men’s bounty, argument broke out between the herdsmen working for them. Avoiding further conflict, Lot left and headed east into the fertile plains of Siddim, establishing his tent before Sodom. Meanwhile, Abraham stayed in Canaan and moved to the plain of Mamre, which is in Hebron (Modern day Palestine).
Years passed. Then one day, a group of refugees brought news to Abraham that the armies of Mesopotamia had marched on Sodom. A great battle took place, they informed him, and his old neighbor Lot had been captured.
But before we get to Abraham’s reaction, we must pause to ponder a few facts. According to the story, four leaders made war on the five kings of the plains. But who were these rulers? What caused the armies of Mesopotamia to join forces in order to occupy the cities of the Jordan River plain? What was their objective?

How exactly could a vast army come together, from a collection of nations, and sojourn into the region?


Unfortunately for our inquiring minds, the Bible is fairly silent with regards to the Mesopotamian invasion of the Jordanian land. However, this should not stop us from trying to solve the riddle.

King Amar Sin of Ur
What can be gathered (given the timing of the event) is that the mega power in the region was none other than the Mesopotamian Empire of Ur III. The king responsible for mobilizing and executing the operation, therefore, would have been Amraphel of Shinar (Sumer), otherwise known as King Amar-Sin of Ur, who ruled Ur for 9 years from 1834-1826 BCE.
When it came to controlling his empire, King Amar-Sin of Ur did things a little differently… with impressive results.
Instead of acting like the Akkadian rulers, who stationed military troops throughout the imperial state, Amar-Sin decided it would be best to use peaceful and constructive socio-economic incentives to extend the revamped Sumerian city-states on the outer edges. It’s not that surprising, then, that during this period, Ur achieved the highest economic production of the region, allowing the construction of major public buildings.
Furthermore, in place of military enforcement, Amar-Sin established Ensi, or governors, who enjoyed almost complete independence. These Ensis, for the most part, were natives of the area they controlled; a policy that not only encouraged local cultural development, but also cemented the imperial structure by doing so.
Mesopotamian Kings
Now, what did Amar-Sin then do with all these newly acquired riches and glory? Well, maybe predictably as both a man and a man of his time, he expanded the state (read his state) through war.
While the exact boundaries of Ur’s expansion during his 9 year reign are hazy, we do know he conducted war in the north-easterly districts. Additionally, Amar-Sin increased his sphere of influence with a policy of matrimonial alliances, as was the case with the city-states Mari and Elam. These alliances allowed Amar-Sin to utilize their armies for economic expansion by force.
Eventually Amar-Sin’s power lost favor within his realm. Twelve years had passed, and the city-states of Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, Zeboiim, and Zoar were tired of paying tribute to the King. Amar-Sin, no doubt angered over the news, mobilized his forces.

They all knew that war was inevitable.

Around spring on the fourteenth year, the armies of Ur set out. The number of troops partaking in this military operation were around 10,000, perhaps a bit less. The route they probably took to reach their target would have been the King’s Highway, along the heights of Transjordan, through the land of Moab and descended, via the deep gorge of the River Karak, onto the south-east shore of the Salt Sea and into the great valley of Arabah.

The first city to go was Bela (later called Zoar), where the army of Ur tore down the walls, burnt the city and confiscated all the valuables they could find.
Map of the Kings Lands
News of the disaster traveled quickly to the other city-states, causing the northern Arabah citizens and rulers to panic and fear the worst. This is exactly what the invaders wanted, psychological warfare to help bend the knees of their enemies. Many of the northern Arabah citizens fled westwards, around the shore of the Salt Sea, to the vale or plain of Siddim.

In particular, many sought refuge behind the mighty walls of Sodom, hoping that the armies of Mesopotamia would eventually turn back and head home after they received their fill.

They were disappointed. The Mesopotamian armies continued their tour of the region, making hits in the dry region of Negeb before pushing north towards the rebel kings, who were hiding up in their strongholds.

The five kings of the plain knew that by staying behind their walls, they would secure nothing but their own demise, being picked off one by one. Marching out together, as a united force, to meet the enemy on the field of battle, they finally concluded, would be their only chance of countering the enemy.
Both armies lined up for battle on the west shore of the Salt Sea, just south of Sodom. Even though the battle was not recorded in any detail, it was no doubt prolonged, bloody, and downright messy.

The kings of the Plain were defeated. King Bera of Sodom and King Birsha of Gomorrah were killed; their bodies cast into the bitumen pits of the Salt Sea basin. King Admah, Zeboim and Bela survived and fled into the hills.

It wasn’t just these kings who escaped into the hills either, but also everyone else seeking safety from the armies of Mesopotamia, who were marauding the landscape. They were destroying property, taking valuables…. and enslaving people.

It was around this time that Abraham got word of the events. One of his kinfolk reported what had happened, that Lot had been taken captive. If he didn’t do something soon, he concluded, Lot would be sold into slavery.
Abraham
And now we return to the beginning of our story. So how exactly did Abraham react to this news?

He did not hesitate.

First, he sent messengers to his confederate Amorite allies, informing them of the situation and asking for assistance. Once the messengers were on their way, Abraham updated the menfolk in his household. He told them that he would go after and rescue Lot. He continued that if any man was willing to help him, he should step forward now.

Who knows how many men were in Abraham’s camp, but three hundred and eighteen men of his household voluntarily came forward. These men were already trained in the martial arts and were quickly armed according to their specialty.
Map of Route
Abraham and his men travelled north for many days, likely taking the King’s Highway, gathering intelligence and keeping an eye on the enemy’s movements. Finally they found them; the armies of Mesopotamia were encamped near the town of Laish (Dan), celebrating their victories.
Abraham kept a watchful eye on the festivities, likely keeping track of the guards and their movements. Perhaps he was even collecting information on the exact location of both the prisoners and loot from people who were not aligned with the army, coming in and out of the encampment.
Abraham waited for many hours, allowing the alcohol drunk by the enemy to take full effect.

Once the army succumbed to intoxication, Abraham divided his men into two groups of 159. The enemy had fallen into a drunken sleep, their fires flickering, casting long and dark shadows. In was in this setting that Abraham and his men infiltrated the camp in silence and smote many dreaming foe.

Once Lot and the loot were found, Abraham and his men quickly packed up and moved out before any alarm could be made.

Abraham was clearly successful in what was technically the first recorded special operations mission… and one that is still studied today in many military academies.
—————————————-

Epilogue

Afterwards Abraham, along with his men, camped at the Valley of Shaveh and the new king of Sodom, who, among others, was still hiding, came out. He had received the news; Abraham had defeated the Mesopotamian army and had retrieved the property of the people and that of the five kings.

But before the Kings of the Plain arrived, Melchizedek priest-king of Salem (Jerusalem) visited Abraham. Melchizedek, who had no part of the war, recognized kindness when he saw it, and came out to Abraham and his men, bringing food and drink. He thanked Abraham and blessed him for his good deed. Abraham, seeing the sincerity of Melchizedek, responded to the priest-king by giving a tithe.
Abraham receiving food and drink
While Melchizedek responded with hospitality, wanting nothing but to say thank you, the king of Sodom was rather political in his approach. He didn’t say thank you or offer food and drink. Instead, the king of Sodom tried to strike a deal. He offered all the loot to Abraham… as long as he returned the people to the king.
The problem with this is that the Mesopotamian kings had captured the people and looted the cities of the plains. Abraham had, in fact, not taken anything from them. Further more, he owed the kings of the Plain nothing legally or morally – anything taken was technically legal by the fair fortunes of war.
But Abraham was not like that. Instead of making a deal with the king and his royal entourage, Abraham refused to keep the loot or the people, even though he was clearly entitled.

“I have lift up mine hand unto the Lord, the most high God, the possessor of heaven and earth, That I will not take from a thread even to a shoelatchet, and that I will not take any thing that is thine, lest thou shouldest say, I have made Abram rich.”- Gen 14:22-23.

In other words, Abraham would only accept riches from God, not from some politician seeking to strike out a deal. For him, rescuing his old neighbor Lot was reward enough.

Cyrus’ Babylonian Campaigns

by March 17, 2014

By Cam Rea
Cyrus had already accumulated quite a lot of territory… but that didn’t mean he was done yet. So he cast his eyes around his neighboring regions to see which kingdom was ripe for the taking…. and he settled his gaze on the Kingdom of Babylon around 539 BCE.
King Nabonidus
His reason for invading may have been for no other reason than the ineffectiveness of its ruler. King Nabonidus had not only neglected the primary god of Babylonia, known as Marduk, but he had also moved away to Teima in Arabia quite unexpectedly. Moreover, the Babylonian king had decided to stay there for ten years while his son, Belshazzar, ruled the kingdom in his stead. The opinion of Nabonidus was so low, in fact, that his own people, the residents of Babylonia, desired a change in command.

Surely such a weak and unpopular ruler would have made the temptation to invade the Babylonian Kingdom irresistible to Cyrus.

The impending Persian threat of Cyrus forced King Nabonidus to return from Teima around 543 BCE, but it was already too late… by now the people of Babylonia were more interested in Cyrus as their king.

In 539 BCE, Cyrus and his forces officially invaded the Babylonian Kingdom:

In the month of Tesrit, Cyrus having joined battle with the army of Akkad at Upu on the [bank] of the Tigris, the people of Akkad fell back. He pillaged and massacred the population. The fourteenth, Sippar was taken without struggle. Nabonidus fled. The sixteenth, Governor Ugbaru of Gutium and the army of Cyrus made their entrance into Babylon without fighting. Later, having returned, Nabonidus was taken in Babylon. Until the end of the month, the shield-(carriers) of Gutium encircled the gates of the Esagila …

In the month of Arahsamnu, the third day, Cyrus entered Babylon. (Drinking) straws (?) were filled up before him. Peace reigned in the city; Cyrus decreed peace for all Babylon. He installed Gubaru as governor of (all) the governors in Babylon. From Kislev to Adar, the gods of Akkad that Nabonidus had sent to Babylon returned to their sanctuaries. (Glassner, Mesopotamian Chronicles, p. 237-239)

Cyrus’ first battle against the Babylonians at Upu/Opis was a success, and of great significance. By taking Opis/Upu, Cyrus had flanked the Median wall that stretched all the way to Sippar. This meant that the very next day Cyrus was able to take the city of Sippar without a fight, thus having full control of the Median wall.

This was the wall that was intended to keep out the Cimmerians, Scythians, and any other undesirable barbarians… and it was now in Cyrus’ hands.

Divide of previous empires before Cyrus

With the Median/Umman-manda wall now out of the way, Cyrus began his march towards Babylon. On October 12, Ugbaru, Governor of Gutium, entered Babylonia without any resistance and arrested King Nabonidus of Babylonia who had earlier fled from Sippar. The former king was then exiled to the region of Carmania.
According to Xenophon, this Ugbaru, also known as Gobryas, was in charge of a vast amount of territory for the Babylonians. When Cyrus invaded, Ugbaru/Gobryas reconsidered and switched sides, joining Cyrus’ army. It was most likely him who guided Cyrus’ forces during the invasion and battle at Opis/Upu.
Now Cyrus himself entered the city on October 29 to restore the festivals and proclaim peace to all Babylon. But did he? Cyrus says on his cylinder:

When I entered Babylon as a friend and (when) I established the seat of the government in the palace of the ruler under jubilation and rejoicing, Marduk, the great lord, [induced] the magnanimous inhabitants of Babylon [to love me], and I was daily endeavoring to worship him.

My numerous troops walked around in Babylon in peace, I did not allow anybody to terrorize (any place) of the [country of Sumer] and Akkad. I strove for peace in Babylon and in all his (other) sacred cities. As to the inhabitants of Babylon [who] against the will of the gods [had/were…, I abolished] the corvee (lit.: yoke) which was against their (social) standing. I brought relief to their dilapidated housing, putting (thus) an end to their (main) complaints.

Marduk, the great lord, was well pleased with my deeds and sent friendly blessings to myself, Cyrus, the king who worships him, to Cambyses, my son, the offspring of [my] loins, as well as to all my troops, and we all [praised] his great [godhead] joyously, standing before him in peace. (Pritchard, The Ancient Near East, Vol 1, p. 207-208)

According to this text, it appears as if the people fully welcomed Cyrus, who only bestowed good to the region. However, this may have been another arrow in Cyrus’ quiver: Propaganda.

In fact, Cyrus’ takeover may not have been so peaceful as he would have us believe. Indeed, it’s been speculated that the city put up a temporal fight.
Cylinder of Cyrus
In 1970, Paul-Richard Berger identified a fragment as being part of the Cyrus Cylinder, which in turn was part of the Yale Babylonian Collection. This fragment mentions Cyrus restoring the city’s inner walls and moats, among other things, within Babylon. Therefore, it is possible that the Persian forces may have initially conducted siege warfare for a short time… though the incident was recorded differently.
Now this is not to say Cyrus was not a peace loving man… But it does appear that he was a propagandist, employing the usual breads and circuses and, in particular, catering to the people through their religious devotion to the Babylonian God Marduk.
While Cyrus and his family were most likely Zoroastrians (as was the common religion of Persia), the King did everything he could to restore the gods of the city to gain the respect of the people. Moreover, his son, Cambyses II, observed the New Year’s rite on March 24, 538 BCE, in what would appear to be humiliation by religious symbolism.
In other words, the high priest of Marduk grabbed him by the ear, forcing him to kneel! Cambyses then said:

“I have not sinned, O Lord of the Lands. I have not destroyed Babylon, nor damaged the Esagila, nor neglected the temple rites.”

Then the high priest of Marduk slapped Cambyses’ cheek! As tears flowed down his face, the god would be pleased and thus concluded the ritual.

The people would have seen this submission to the Babylonian gods by the king’s son very favorably.
Of course, Cyrus may very well have been legit… believing in the god Marbuk and promoting religious tolerance in the region. But one would think that a man, who ruled over such a vast empire and conquered the superpower of the Near East, had to have had the help of a little propaganda now and then.
And so with that Cyrus had the entire region and had become a grand emperor. That, however, was not the end. There was one last campaign to go…

Cyrus and the West

by March 11, 2014

By Cam Rea
Once Cyrus defeated Astyages, he inherited a new problem… And that problem was the western front.
 
This was because in 585 BCE, Cyrus’ predecessors, the Umman-manda, and the Lydian empire had made an agreement that the boundary between their two territories was the Halys River. The king of Lydia at the time was Croesus, who was famous for his wealth and power throughout Greece and the Near East. Moreover, Croesus was Astyages’ brother-in-law.
Once Astyages was overthrown by Cyrus, Croesus felt the need to avenge his defeat, though in reality, he saw it as an opportunity to extend his borders. However, before Croesus mobilized his forces, he sent embassies with many gifts to the oracle of Delphi to ask the important question. In response, the oracle turned to the men and said:

“If Croesus attacked the Persians, he would destroy a great empire.”

The oracle also suggested to Croesus that he should seek some powerful allies to assist him in his war against Persia.
When Croesus visited the oracle again, he asked how long the Lydian empire would last? To this, the oracle said to Croesus:
“Wait till the time shall come when a mule is monarch of Media: Then, thou delicate Lydian, away to the pebbles of Hermus: Haste, oh! Haste thee away, nor blush to behave like a coward.” (Herodotus, The Histories, p. 27-28)
The mule was none other than Cyrus. While Cyrus was part royalty, due to his mother being an Umman-manda princess, his father Cambyses I was a petty vassal king or, quite possibly, a mere tribal chief. At least in the eyes of Astyages.

Croesus got the answers that he thought were in his favor.

Map of Halys River - Thanks to https://www.cartographyunchained.com/cghs1.html
Therefore, in 547/46 BCE, he moved his forces beyond the Halys River and entered into the province of Cappadocia.
In response, Cyrus journeyed to meet the invaders at the border. There he sent envoys to Croesus’ camp with a message ordering Croesus to hand over Lydia to him. If Croesus agreed, Cyrus would allow him to stay in Lydia, but would remove his crown as king, forcing Croesus to accept the title Satrap of Lydia.
Evidently, Croesus turned down the invitation and the two armies battled at a place called Pteria in Cappadocia.
The war took place in the month of November and Croesus was defeated. He and his forces retreated across the Halys River and back into Lydian territory.
But then Croesus made a terrible mistake; he decided to disperse his army for the winter, thinking Cyrus would not attack until spring. Without warning or thought, however, Cyrus and his army fell upon the Lydian forces that were in the process of demobilization.

They were surprised, routed, and defeated.

This was a risky move for Cyrus and his forces, due to the stories of Lydia’s army being superior. Perhaps, Cyrus knew that once the Lydian forces returned home for the winter they would be easier to defeat while they were demobilizing. Or perhaps Cyrus wanted to test whether Lydia was, in fact, more superior… and happily found them wanting.
Croesus as imagined by Claude Vignon
Once the Lydian forces were routed and were no longer a substantial threat, Croesus fled to Sardis where he took refuge. Many of his supposed allies sent no troops and instead defected over to Cyrus.
Cyrus knew that there was no time to waste and pursued Croesus to Sardis. There he besieged the city, and on the fourteenth day, the city fell. It was during this time that Sparta sent forces to help Croesus, but on hearing that Sardis had fallen, turned back.
Indeed, the word that Sardis fell is said to have sent a shock wave through the Near East.
Sardis, however, was just the beginning. Cyrus the Great wanted all of Lydia.
The Chronicle of Nabonidus mentions the defeat of the previous empire:
“In the month of Nisan, King Cyrus of Persia mustered his army and crossed the Tigris downstream from Arbela and, in the month of Iyyar, [march]ed on Ly[dia]. He put its king to death, seized its possessions, [and] set up his own garrison [there]. After that, the king and his garrison resided there.” (Glassner, Mesopotamian Chronicles, p. 237)
The conquest of Lydia as a whole, however, was far from over, for there were still many Greek city-states mad about the situation. When negotiations between them and Cyrus fell through, the revolts began.

Cyrus decided to not stick around and left for his capital Ecbatana… for he had other issues on his mind.

Instead, Cyrus sent a man by the name Mazares with some troops to squash and enslave all those rebelling throughout Asia Minor. Mazares did just that, until he died of unknown causes. He was immediately replaced by a man named Harpagus, who was successful in putting the final stamp on the revolts. Moreover, he placed Persian garrisons in the areas affected, in order to secure the peace.
However, this was not easy. It took four years before Persian rule could fully be established among the populace.
It was then that Cyrus had to worry about the East…

Cyrus the Great – Armies

by February 26, 2014

The early military machine of Cyrus the Great wasn’t what you would think it was… it wasn’t professional by any means. In fact, when Cyrus set out against Media he relied more on friends and kinsmen from local tribes, who united due to the troubled times. When it was over, these ‘soldiers’ returned to their own homes and pastures, leaving Cyrus with almost nothing.
Persian ImmortalsInstead, the professional and conquering army of Cyrus would not come until later, when he had conquered Media… and even then it would take some time for it to really come together. Once it had, however, Cyrus had a great army, which would continue through his successors.
But the question is… what made them great?
To answer this, we must take a deeper look into the military apparatus of the Persian army. Only then we may be able to understand why they were able to conquer such a vast and diverse territory.
To begin with, there were ‘the Immortals’, a fearsome army of 10,000 men that was created by Cyrus the Great. They were recruited from the lower classes of Persia to serve as the king’s personal bodyguard day and night. Wherever the king went, so did they.
A Persian ImmortalThere were 10,000 men at all times. If, for any reason, one of these soldiers fell ill, wounded, or even died, he was immediately replaced to ensure that the number of guards was always at 10,000.
Hence the name ‘Immortals’.
Additionally, they kept silent when marching in mass. Imagine this eerie scene for one moment. You are facing these fighting machines from the other end of the battlefield, when all you feel is the earth tremble slightly under your feet. A whole army of silence approaches you, quickly advancing. Back then, it was common for most warriors to scream and shout when in combat in order to intimidate their opponent. The Immortals did the exact opposite. They killed them with silence.
Besides this elite royal guard, there was the cavalry. In the early days, they made up only 10% of Cyrus’ entire army, while the other 90% was infantry, or foot soldiers. As time went on, however, Cyrus started to notice the importance and the effectiveness of cavalry forces, and so increased their ratio to 20%
This additional cavalry was light, carrying only a bow. Moreover, the men were mainly of non-Persian ethnicity, though they were commanded, for the most part, by Persian officers. Their duty was to harass the enemy with a barrage of arrows and draw them into an attack. A hit and run approach that would be annoying to any attacker.
Persian nobles formed the heavy cavalry. They were armed with two javelins, a wooden or metal lance and they carried an akinakes as well as a small oval shield. The armor of a heavy cavalryman was of leather, overlapped with metal disks such as bronze, iron, and gold, and was often colored in order to distinguish one unit from another.
Persian infantry varied between light and heavy. The light units carried spear and swords, while their heavier counterparts bore a longer spear, a shorter sword and a battle-axe. These heavier infantry wore black hoods that covered their head and much of their face.
Ancient Persian ChariotAlongside the cavalry and infantry units, there were the charioteer units. The Persian chariot was slightly higher and heavier than its Assyrian, Egyptian and Babylonian equivalents, requiring four horses to pull it, instead of the standard two. Moreover, these chariots had the ability to carry an extra man; one drove the cumbersome vehicle while the other passenger was a soldier, either a spearman or an archer. To make it even more destructive, Cyrus had scythes installed on the axle, which extended two yards out from the wheel.
Overall, it was a deadly machine, but only when it was able to grace the battlefield, as no charioteer, or for that matter horse, would plow into a forest of spear points and shields. Instead the chariot was more effective against light infantry, loose formations, and troops of undisciplined men unwilling to stand their ground in the face of combat.
In addition to archers, charioteers and spearmen, there was a very unlikely group that was of great importance to the army: combat engineers. These men would move ahead of the advancing forces to repair or build roads and bridges. They would dig ditches or used pontoon boats as floats for bridges to get the massive and heavy army across.
In fact, to transport this huge army was a feat in itself. The Persians, with all their ingenuity and complexity of their military system, still had to have a supply line able to accommodate this giant juggernaut when on the move.
Cyrus the GreatThe job in supplying the Persian army was left to the commissariat. While in transit, the commissariat was split into two, one in front of the army and the other at the back. The commissariat that moved ahead was tasked with finding suitable places to encamp, with clean water and fields for their livestock to graze. The rear commissariat, on the other hand, had to keep the army supplied with all types of weaponry, such as bows, swords, spears, arrows, armor, among others.
Now, due to the amount of equipment the commissariat needed, it was inevitable that they would eventually run out. In order to solve this problem, the Persian king required that each satrap, or governor, keep a certain amount of supply on hand for the incoming army, so it could restock before the next big move.
The Persian army was truly a professional fighting force of a complex magnitude that in many ways would not be matched until the Macedonian and Roman Empires.
However, with their professionalism, also came their weakness. As stated before, they were complex. Those in their ranks were from diverse backgrounds and educations, and most importantly, not skilled in same weapons.
But Persia did well with this standing army. Most of the regions under Persian control had only a hodgepodge of military units, many of which were light infantry, such as archers and spearmen, with little to no armor whatsoever.
The Persians, therefore, relied on quantity over quality in its military ranks. It succeeded in the region of the world they were in, but as time went on, they would face armies who were all about amour and standard structure. Armies that were small in comparison, but undoubtedly more disciplined.
That is where their true challenge would lay….

Cyrus the Great

by February 25, 2014

By Cam Rea
Sculpture of Cyrus the Great

Cyrus the Great

Cyrus the Great or “Cyrus II” was King of Anshan from 559-530 BCE. He was the son of King Cambyses I of Anshan (580-559 BCE) and his mother, Mandane, was the daughter of King Astyages of Media. The names Cyrus and Cambyses are interesting, as both appear to be connected to the Indo-Iranian tribes of the Kuru and Kambysene. Moreover, they may have been Scythian.

As mentioned, Cyrus came to throne around 559 BCE, after most likely being a vassal to his overlord and grandfather, King Astyages of the Umman-manda. Around 553 BCE, he rebelled against King Astyages when he marched on the capital Ecbatana of his own accord to claim the throne. When Cyrus and Astyages’ forces clashed, many of the Umman-manda forces switched sides and joined Cyrus. It should be no surprise then that he defeated the Umman-manda and took his grandfather Astyages prisoner.
However, this is Herodotus’ view, as there are a few other sources one must consider.
Take, for instance, the Neo-Babylonian King Nabonidus. In Nabonidus’ first year as king, (556 or 555 BCE), he states in his chronicle that he had a dream given to him by the god Marduk:
“At the beginning of my lasting kingship they (the great gods) showed me a vision in a dream…. Marduk said to me, ‘The Umman-manda of whom thou speakest, he, his land, and the kings who go at his side, will not exist for much longer. At the beginning of the third year, Cyrus, king of Anshan, his youthful servant, will come forth. With his few forces he will rout the numerous forces of the Umman-manda. He will capture Astyages, the king of the Umman-manda, and will take him prisoner to his country.” (Yamauchi, Persia and the Bible, p. 80-81)
Putting mysticism aside, Nabonidus obviously received intelligence reports that Cyrus was going to rebel and declare independence from Astyages.
It seems that the Kingdom of Babylonia had had many problems with the Umman-manda, so perhaps Nabonidus’ dream was mere hope.
In Nabonidus’ seventh year, he had this to say about the conflict between Cyrus and Astyages:

“[Astyages] mobilized [his army] and he marched against Cyrus, king of Anshan, to conquer…. the army rebelled against Astyages and he was taken prisoner. They handed him over to Cyrus […]. Cyrus marched toward Ecbatana, the royal city. Silver, gold, goods, property, […] which he seized as booty [from] Ecbatana, he conveyed to Ansan. The goods [and] property of the army of […].” (Briant, From Cyrus to Alexander, p. 31)

King AstyagesFrom this inscription, we get a variation on the story described by Herodotus. The main difference is that it was Astyages who invaded Anshan to put down the rebellion. Then, in turn, his army rebelled and handed him over to Cyrus. However, this is not to say Herodotus was wrong. Herodotus says Cyrus invaded Media, which is partially right, but it was only after the battle and imprisonment of Astyages did Cyrus march on Media to take the Umman-manda capital, Ecbatana.
In addition, we must forget that this was not the end of the war between the two.
Even though Astyages was now a prisoner, the fight went on for three more years, not coming to a close until around 550 BCE.
But before that moment, Cyrus would lose three battles, and out of the many defeats, many would defect over to the Umman-manda side and vice versa.
It was only once the Umman-manda was finally defeated and vanquished that Cyrus entered the capital Ecbatana and sat on Astyages’ throne. Now the Persians were the new “masters of Asia.”
Tune in Next week to hear about his Armies and the destruction Cyrus will wreak…
Read Part Two here: Cyrus the Great – Armies